Breckenridge Texan

Flood response was hindered by legislative failure

Editor’s Note: This column originally appeared in The Dallas Morning News, where Glenn Rogers is a contributing columnist.

By Glenn Rogers

When I naively entered the political arena after 40 years as a veterinarian, my platform focused on my deeply held beliefs in limited government and local control. Until relatively recently, conservatives in the U.S. held local control as a core tenet. For decades, the Republican Party held that value, too.

Ronald Reagan was a strong advocate for local control, particularly in areas like education and social programs. Ironically, Richard Nixon once stated, “Sure there are dishonest men in local government. But there are dishonest men in national government, too.” I would extend Nixon’s quote to include dishonesty in state government, as well.

Shortly after announcing my candidacy for state representative in 2019, I learned about Michael Quinn Sullivan, chief executive of the advocacy group Empower Texans, joining a secret meeting with then House Speaker Dennis Bonnen and Republican Caucus Chair (and now House Speaker) Dustin Burrows. In this clandestine encounter, a deal was proposed to grant House floor access and media credentials to Empower Texans in exchange for “taking out” 10 Republicans who would not fall in line with the ban on taxpayer-funded lobbying.

During the conversation, secretly recorded by Sullivan and later publicly released, Bonnen said his goal for the 87th session was for it to be historically bad for city and county governments.

“I hope next session is even worse,” Burrows said. “We hate cities and counties.”

This attitude toward local governance, expressed by the current and former House speakers, was not an aberration; it is the philosophy of the overwhelming majority of House and Senate Republicans. The party that once crowed loudly that government closest to the people is the best government has since seen fit to usurp local governments’ decision-making while putting even more power in the hands of the state.

Granted, support for local government does not excuse some out-of-control actions by liberal local governments, particularly in urban areas. However, carte blanche dismissal of support for local control, exhibited by many in my party, seems out of touch with long-held conservative beliefs. Obviously, I had much to learn about the attack on local control by the party I had supported my whole life.

Flood control

The recent flood tragedy in Central Texas created a firestorm of blame amid overwhelming loss and grief. Regardless of political persuasion, from the farthest right to the most liberal left, no one would have intentionally voted to hinder legislation that could have prevented these horrible losses. As much as I take issue with the direction of my party, I would not accuse any of my Republican colleagues of that.

But the zealous fervor to limit local control has had unintended consequences. In the regular session, before the flood tragedy, House Bill 13 by Rep. Ken King, R-Canadian, sought to enhance first responder communications during natural disasters. The bill would have created the Texas Interoperability Council to develop and coordinate a statewide strategic plan to avoid communication lapses. Included in the bill was a grant program for local governments to acquire needed communication systems. If adopted, it would have improved communication and potentially saved lives.

The bill passed the House but failed in the Senate where, apparently, the terms “grant program” and “local control” are no longer acceptable.

Thankfully, in the current special session after the flood tragedy, King has re-filed his legislation, along with a companion bill from Sen. Charles Perry. This legislation appears on the way to passage.

Unfortunately, as of this writing, there are no proposed bills to enable counties to prevent dangerous development in the 100-year floodplain in unincorporated areas. Under current law, only counties on the Gulf of Mexico and those below Lake Livingston Dam on the Trinity River have any authority to prevent dangerous construction in the floodplain other than requiring elevation of structures.

All counties should be able to prevent the location of camps and RV parks in the floodplain. Local governmental entities, particularly in rural areas where most camps are found, have far better knowledge of areas of potential flooding and unique communication deficits typical of rural environments.

Local control

The Legislature’s failure to yield power to local entities is part of a bigger philosophical change in my party. Over the course of the last few legislative sessions, city and county governments have consistently seen their powers usurped by the state. While railing against federal overreach, Texas state government has exponentially increased its power.

This is most clearly seen in recent public school legislation. Rather than strengthen and adequately finance local school districts, the Legislature, at the governor’s behest, has continued to increase state control of our public schools and failed to rein in the burgeoning bureaucracy at the Texas Education Agency.

Each legislative session expands state mandates, many unfunded, and continues to strip local governmental entities of the tools necessary for effective conservative governance. These “one-size-fits-all” bills preempt the ability of cities and counties to respond to the needs of their residents.

The troubling trend is away from effective local governance, instead focusing on who can yell the loudest and create chaos. Dependence on the largesse of megadonors has rendered our state leadership incapable of responding to the interest of voters.

Local control does not fit the plan of the oligarchs who control Austin. While Dunn- and Wilks-funded candidates have targeted many city, county and school board races, the sheer volume of entities creates a challenge even for these billionaires. It is much easier and more cost-effective to control state government and then support legislative attacks that reduce the voice of local government.

Glenn Rogers is a rancher and veterinarian in Palo Pinto County. He served in the Texas House of Representatives from 2021 to 2025, representing Stephens County. He is a Dallas Morning News contributing columnist.